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US Constitution article IV section 4: The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, . . .

Every State's government is structurally similar to the United States, with one chief executive, elected separately from the legislature. If one State were to deviate from this pattern, remaining a republic but not a ‘presidential’ republic, would the United States intervene?

E.g., a State might replace its Governor with a committee of three; or an existing parliamentary republic (in which the executive is chosen by the legislature, or part of it) might be admitted to the Union.

Relevant to this question is whether any of the founder States in 1787 had different structures.

Anton Sherwood
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As far as the jurisprudence on this goes, in the cases Luther v. Borden (1849) (upholding Rhode Island using its royal charter rather than crafting a new constitution, even though the charter had strong restrictions on voting rights) and Pacific States Telephone and Telegraph Co. v. Oregon (1912) (upholding the use of referendums), SCOTUS has held the clause to be a non-justiciable political question. This was recently reiterated in Rucho v Common Cause (2019) (concerning gerrymandering).

So, in effect, anything Congress approves of when admitting a state is presumptively in satisfaction of the clause. Federalist No. 43 would seem in support of these conclusions, as it says "States may choose to substitute other republican forms, they have a right to do so, and to claim the federal guaranty for the latter." In this sense the clause would even be more a protection of the states against the federal government: they are free to choose any "republican form" of government, and the federal government cannot prevent this and must protect this choice.

Congress has, in fact, used this clause and the ruling in Luther to replace existing state governments, via the First Reconstruction Act after the Civil War. This law declared the governments of 10 states "unrepublican" and placed them under military rule. In Georgia v. Stanton (1868), SCOTUS again declared this a political question, effectively upholding the act (and other Reconstruction acts).

Colegrove v. Green (1946) further added that a state's malapportionment of state legislative districts cannot be challenged under this clause; it was later clarified that other clauses, such as the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th amendment, could be a valid vector for such a challenge.

Barmar
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zibadawa timmy
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Every founding colony had a different structure

At the time of the revolution, there were eight royal colonies, three proprietary, and two charter. A royal colony had a Governor appointed by the King on the advice of His ministers (i.e. by the British government of the day). The Governor of a proprietary colony was appointed by the proprietor - variously a person or a company. A charter colony was the most independent, governed in accordance with their charter - to the extent that Rhode Island and Connecticut kept their charters as their initial state constitutions.

Notwithstanding, with all these differences, they were all governed in much the same way - a governor as the King’s representative, an appointed upper house, and an elected lower house; but not by universal suffrage.

None of these was republican. Obviously. Because they were all Constitutional Monarchies of various types.

The initial government of the states was covered a wide range of republican government styles before they later converged on the style adopted by the US Constitution. So, given that republican just meant elected by the population, any method that does that is probably fine.

Dale M
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